Following the House, the US Senate has expressed a favourable vote approving the refinancing of the military mission to Iraq - this without imposing any conditions for the withdrawal of the troops in Iraqi territory.The divisions between the White House, the Senate and the House of Representatives seem overcome after four months of hard criticism of the presidential program for Iraq and the obstructionism of the democratic majority in Congress. After debate, the House of Representatives approved, with 280 votes in favour and 142 contrary, the additional financing of 100 billion dollars requested by President Bush that will allow the continuation of the military campaign in Iraqi until the end of September. The Senate then aligned itself with the House of Representatives’ vote with 80 votes in favour and 14 contrary thus approving the law. The White House expressed its satisfaction for the results of the consultations and publicly praised Congress for granting the funds and the necessary flexibility to the American troops to protect the Country. The finance package includes 18 political and security policies and intends to show Baghdad’s administration the way to bring stability and strengthen democracy in Iraq. Many important Democratic representatives voted against the refinancing of the mission: Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and Nancy Pelosi were against the law proposal and the House of Representatives’ speaker added that the law represents only a little step forward towards resolving the Iraqi situation and that Congress should make a big step in a new direction by rejecting or limiting with precise conditions the refinancing, before approving it.

Simone Comi

The Argentinean Government has formally fixed the elections for the 28th of October, when the citizens won’t choose only the President, but also renew half of the Chamber of Deputies and a third of the Senate. However, as of the beginning of the year, there were “rehearsals”: from the 11th of March, in fact, there were a series of consultations to appoint the Governors, and others are planned before the end of the summer. The Justicialista Partido had a series of successes, from the victory at Catamaraca, followed by that in the difficult region of Entre Rios and with the appointment of Juan José Baillo at Gualeguaychu, a seat that had always been in the opposition’s hands. The most expected event remains that of the 3rd of June, when Buenos Aires will go to the polls, although the published surveys seem to assure that even in this case the victory of the ally of Officialism, Daniel Filmus, already Minister of Education and now candidate of the Agrupacion Compromiso K, the group of reference of President Kirchner. The President, despite the expected positive results, is often present at meetings and always expresses his support for his favoured candidates. Although it has as yet to be made official whither he, or his wife Cristina Fernandez, will compete for the Casa Rosada, the months before the consultations seem to be a proving ground for the PJ that, torn from years of deep ideological divergences, (Kirchner himself, at his first mandate was elected only after Carlos Menem withdrew) will have to be united in October. To get, besides the Presidency, also the majority of the Provinces and of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, will be of great support to the realisation of the programs that, both Mr and Mrs K, propose the Nation as a solution to the crisis and towards economic recovery.

Lucia Conti

Over the last few days international pressure on Myanmar for more respect for human rights, starting with the release of political prisoners, has increased remarkably. International attention to the question was due to the approach of the deadline of the house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the opposition to the country’s military rule and the General Secretary of the National Union for Democracy (besides being a winner of the Nobel Peace prize). The High Commissioner for Human Rights of the UN, Louise Arbor, affirmed on the 22nd of May that Suu Kyi’s release would affirm the Government’s intention to recognise the universally recognised standards on human rights, thus helping national dialogue and the emergence of democratic structures. The message implicitly underlined a possible softening of the international sanctions currently imposed against Myanmar. Only three days after Arbor’s intervention, on the 25th of May, the council said, however, that Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest (she has already spent 11 out of the last 17 years under house arrest) was to be extended for another year, causing a serious protest by the General Secretary of the United Nations, Ban Ki Moon. To show that the council has no intentions of changing idea, on the 28th of May, in Yangon, the police stopped a prayer parade of around 200 supporters of Suu Kyi, halting the demonstrators before they entered the Shwedagon Pagoda to pray. Continuing the line of clear refusal to the UN demands (under the pressure of the western countries in particular), Myanmar seems to be trying to show that it doesn’t need the support of the International Community. The country’s autarchy, currently seems to be facilitated due to a certain level of support from Russia (the construction of a ‘light water’ nuclear plant in Myanmar was recently decided) and from renewed dialogue with North Korea. The possibility of new dialogue with the West seems compromised by what the military junta perceive as a serious threat to its existence, the US led fight against “rouge states”. The transfer of the capital from Yangon to Naypyidaw (Pyinmana), which should make the capital easier to defend in the case of a US attack, and the new contacts with North Korea, seem to show a precise intention of closing out the rest of the world by trying to maintain the status quo indefinitely.

Asian Desk

Last week, after a search by the judicial authorities who acted on orders from the Ministry for National Security, the offices and equipment of two newspapers close to the opposition to President Aliyev were seized. Officially the actions of the authorities were connected to security concerns, the two offices did not guarantee the minimum safety conditions. It is not the first measure of Baku’s authorities against Realny Azerbaijan, published in Russian, and of the Gyundelik Azerbaycan. The founder of the pro Russian newspaper, Eynulla Fatullayev, is currently in prison serving 30 months for slandering the army. He has to answer to accusations of terrorism and of the diffusion of false news during the six year war between Azerbaijan and Armenia for the Nagorno Karabah. Currently there are at least 17 Azerbaijani journalists in prison, the highest number amongst OSCE member countries. On the 16th of May the editor and a journalist of Makhalifat were condemned to 30 months for publishing an article about the economical activities of an uncle of Aliyev, while a further two journalists were condemned for slandering Islam and Mohammed in an article. Not only the printed press is in the sights of Baku’s Government. Last November the ANS TV network’s transmissions were blocked. ANS TV is an independent television channel representing an alternative to the official radio and television stations ruled directly by the Government. Over the coming months Government pressure on the media will probably increase, especially in relation to the imminent presidential elections of 2008. The repressive measures are also directed towards newspapers of low circulation; in Azerbaijan only 3% of the population reads a newspaper on a daily basis. Aliyev aims to eliminate any obstacle to his expected reconfirmation. During the last presidential elections the President obtained 78% of the vote, the elections were characterised by numerous accusations of fraud and moments of violence. The opposition is scattered and unable to provide an alternative. Aliyev could become another “lifelong” President of the Caucasus region.

Felice Di Leo

The ceasefire, that last 22nd of May concluded three days of violent clashes with heavy artillery between the Lebanese army and the radical Palestinian group Fatah al-Islam, remains in force both in the refugee camp of Nahr al-Bared and in suburbs near the city of Tripoli. On Saturday the Ministry of Defence, Elias Murr, affirmed that there is still the possibility of a political negotiation, but that the armed forces are ready to intervene massively to re-establish order and force Fatah al-Islam to surrender. Even if actions of force by the army should be successful, the events of the last few days evidence the complicated problems of the Palestinian camps in Lebanon. The exclusion from Lebanese institutional and social life, the poor living conditions, the weakness of the ruling class connected to Fatah (and to the leadership of Mahmoud Abbas) make these areas “grey zones” where some elements and groups of radical Islamic inspiration can become established and easily gain strength. The Lebanese Government, with Saudi support, wants to discuss the 1969 Cairo agreements, forbidding the authorities and the security structures of the Lebanese State to enter the camps. It is, however, difficult to establish if the question of the Palestinian camps has to be ruled as a problem simply of internal order or if it should be part of a wider discourse of regional stability, where the knot of the future status of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon is discussed in an equal and sustainable way. Although all the Lebanese political factions disapprove of the violence, the clashes over the last few days could add further elements of conflict to the already unstable Lebanese scenario. On the one hand, the radical rhetoric of Fatah al-Islam could have very negative consequences on inter-confessional balances. On the other hand, the news that the United States and France (as well as other Arabian countries) are ready to support the Lebanese army with means and logistic support has worried Hezbollah who fear an increasing inference in internal Lebanese affairs.

Francesco Mazzucotelli